A reflection of the Migrant Coordination of Bologna as a contribution to the debate about the strike precarious
For months evoked request
imagined, the end came the date of the general strike of the CGIL. It is not known whether it will really show the social occasion in which all its power of political pressure. Or if the four-hour absence from work for the rights and against government policy will be a container in which everyone can imagine your opponent to say then I hit him hard. We'll see. We only observe that the strike may not be as unthinkable as the only abstention from work on the event and final meeting, perhaps you need to take a step forward.
Meanwhile, amid a thousand difficulties, and with a far lower participation than the previous year, last March 1 took place on the second day without immigrants "24h without us." You could easily make fun by saying that the day is actually successful, because few immigrants have participated and many may not know it even existed. In this climate of visibility difficult for migrants there are those who chose to return to practice striking and symbolic that the nell'assalto Cie, while shouting to the righteous anger in an intolerable situation, but may be in the form of inverted model emergency situation which are constantly faced with the movements of migrants. As we do not think that job insecurity is a given quota of this organization of work, which can be answered with any legal or contractual adjustment, so we do not think that movements of migrants is an exceptional event to govern or to be incurred as episodic and exemplary.
Because we think the presence of migrants is a structural and suppressed in our society, we have chosen another road. With no less anger we have chosen to organize as last year with the strike and migrants. We did it where possible through the active Fiom delegates, speaking Italian and migrant workers in factories and cooperatives, meeting and communicate the precarious and migrant. The strike which was released in Bologna saw greater participation than last year for the factories involved and the number of workers who took part. A modest political strike that did not defend nor requested a contract, but has opposed both Italian and immigrants with a special condition which ultimately involve everyone. A strike that has identified his opponent in both the business and the economy of the Bossi-Fini build their profits, but in laws and administrative rules that allow this particular regime of accumulation of profits.
We argue that the migrants in their singularities show universal character of the daily condition precarious for both the regular irregularity of their working conditions, and for the dissolution of the substantive content of citizens living on their skin. This means that any reflection on the new welfare system should not only avoid the connection to the salary as a criterion of citizenship, but also face the problem of implicit social hierarchies which may determine access to social benefits. Welfare may not be the only compensation for the missing wages, but also raising the question of what relationship between the figures down any welfare work, as, for example, on the ground of the current welfare system, already widely the monetary, the sexual division of labor exploitation and isolation renews and strengthens women migrants. For these reasons and others against those who, whenever we speak of migrant labor strike, says that this is an ethnic strike, there is now but a nuisance. The strike of migrant labor was not, nor can it be, only the strike of migrants, but has gone through a lot of work involved and, temporary or not. At the same time can not only be a national strike, because the migrant work lays bare the transnational dimension of the exploitation of precarious work. It is perhaps no coincidence then that this year, in Vienna there was an strike of migrant labor, so it should not surprise that Bologna has recorded the massive presence of students and women who acted independently, but also a continuation of the strike itself.
Opposition to migrant status puts it in play so the possibility of access to education as the struggle against patriarchy. The fight against a state composed of not easy to bear a general summary. Migrant Students no longer tolerate the label of the second generation, following the wise idea of \u200b\u200bnot wanting to be second to none. They do not want to sit together with their comrades of technical and vocational schools in the waiting room citizenship in the patient waiting for a precarious and underpaid. Italian women and migrants are well aware that patriarchy is not a relic of the past, much less the exotic ports that come from distant lands, but a practical way to organize and present relationships between men and women and, not least reproductive work, paid or not. A condition that is necessarily opposed to the models of transmission of knowledge and logic to be more intimate division of productive and reproductive work can not be a universal condition. One strike against this condition can only be a political strike, not all the players back together in a single figure, but also makes them talk and act together against opponents recognized as common.
This year we have propagated the slogan of the strike under the slogan: We did it and do it again ... Even in the debate and the practice of the strike precarious brings the experience of what we did, without pretending to give a more generalized model, but pointing out a method that can help to strike the precarious something new at least politically if not original.
For months evoked request
imagined, the end came the date of the general strike of the CGIL. It is not known whether it will really show the social occasion in which all its power of political pressure. Or if the four-hour absence from work for the rights and against government policy will be a container in which everyone can imagine your opponent to say then I hit him hard. We'll see. We only observe that the strike may not be as unthinkable as the only abstention from work on the event and final meeting, perhaps you need to take a step forward. Meanwhile, amid a thousand difficulties, and with a far lower participation than the previous year, last March 1 took place on the second day without immigrants "24h without us." You could easily make fun by saying that the day is actually successful, because few immigrants have participated and many may not know it even existed. In this climate of visibility difficult for migrants there are those who chose to return to practice striking and symbolic that the nell'assalto Cie, while shouting to the righteous anger in an intolerable situation, but may be in the form of inverted model emergency situation which are constantly faced with the movements of migrants. As we do not think that job insecurity is a given quota of this organization of work, which can be answered with any legal or contractual adjustment, so we do not think that movements of migrants is an exceptional event to govern or to be incurred as episodic and exemplary.
Because we think the presence of migrants is a structural and suppressed in our society, we have chosen another road. With no less anger we have chosen to organize as last year with the strike and migrants. We did it where possible through the active Fiom delegates, speaking Italian and migrant workers in factories and cooperatives, meeting and communicate the precarious and migrant. The strike which was released in Bologna saw greater participation than last year for the factories involved and the number of workers who took part. A modest political strike that did not defend nor requested a contract, but has opposed both Italian and immigrants with a special condition which ultimately involve everyone. A strike that has identified his opponent in both the business and the economy of the Bossi-Fini build their profits, but in laws and administrative rules that allow this particular regime of accumulation of profits.
We argue that the migrants in their singularities show universal character of the daily condition precarious for both the regular irregularity of their working conditions, and for the dissolution of the substantive content of citizens living on their skin. This means that any reflection on the new welfare system should not only avoid the connection to the salary as a criterion of citizenship, but also face the problem of implicit social hierarchies which may determine access to social benefits. Welfare may not be the only compensation for the missing wages, but also raising the question of what relationship between the figures down any welfare work, as, for example, on the ground of the current welfare system, already widely the monetary, the sexual division of labor exploitation and isolation renews and strengthens women migrants. For these reasons and others against those who, whenever we speak of migrant labor strike, says that this is an ethnic strike, there is now but a nuisance. The strike of migrant labor was not, nor can it be, only the strike of migrants, but has gone through a lot of work involved and, temporary or not. At the same time can not only be a national strike, because the migrant work lays bare the transnational dimension of the exploitation of precarious work. It is perhaps no coincidence then that this year, in Vienna there was an strike of migrant labor, so it should not surprise that Bologna has recorded the massive presence of students and women who acted independently, but also a continuation of the strike itself.
Opposition to migrant status puts it in play so the possibility of access to education as the struggle against patriarchy. The fight against a state composed of not easy to bear a general summary. Migrant Students no longer tolerate the label of the second generation, following the wise idea of \u200b\u200bnot wanting to be second to none. They do not want to sit together with their comrades of technical and vocational schools in the waiting room citizenship in the patient waiting for a precarious and underpaid. Italian women and migrants are well aware that patriarchy is not a relic of the past, much less the exotic ports that come from distant lands, but a practical way to organize and present relationships between men and women and, not least reproductive work, paid or not. A condition that is necessarily opposed to the models of transmission of knowledge and logic to be more intimate division of productive and reproductive work can not be a universal condition. One strike against this condition can only be a political strike, not all the players back together in a single figure, but also makes them talk and act together against opponents recognized as common.
This year we have propagated the slogan of the strike under the slogan: We did it and do it again ... Even in the debate and the practice of the strike precarious brings the experience of what we did, without pretending to give a more generalized model, but pointing out a method that can help to strike the precarious something new at least politically if not original.
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